An Experiment in Socialism
1848, An Experiment in Socialism
I am afraid
I have fallen somewhat behind in my reading of newspapers, and in a vain
attempt to catch up I happened to come across an article in the June 2, 1871
issue of the (New York) World that struck my fancy. This was the time of the
Commune in Paris, and the article contained a brief history of socialism.
They say that history repeats itself, the first time in tragedy, the second
time in farce. In this case farce was
already reached by 1848, as can be seen from the following excerpt from that
article:
“When the
revolution of February 1848 became a fait accompli, it soon became evident
that there was a want of unity in the
feelings and purposes of the republicans who had acceded to power.
One party,
headed by Lamartine, desired the republic for its own sake, or at least for the
general prospect of good that it held out—these were called the moderate or
political republicans.
The other
class consisted of those who viewed the republic as a means to an end.
Confident that it would come, but weary of waiting for it, they had occupied
themselves with the discussion of social questions, the settlement of which
they believed would form the first and principal business of the republic when
it arrived.”Let others”, said they, “strive in the political arena to bring in
the republic. We will assist them when it is necessary to do so, but meanwhile
we will rehearse our parts in an imaginary republic of our own.” These were the
social republicans. They took part in the struggle but when the fight was over they stood aloof from their
companions and attempted to dictate. “You have done your part, “ they said, “in
achieving the republic and now we will show you what to do with it.”
And between
these discordant factions the struggle soon commenced. The socialist leaders
virtually told their political friends to attend to foreign nations and that
they would manage home affairs.
Three
decrees were at once forced by them upon their colleagues, and these were:
First the adoption of the principal that the state is bound to guarantee
subsistence to all its citizens; second, the establishment of national
workshops; third, the establishment of a commission to look into the condition
of the working-class.
The National Workshops
The first
business of the new republic was therefore the institution of the ateliers
nationaux, or national workshops… The number of applicants for admission to
these workshops was at once considerable, and more claimants daily poured in,
men really in want, (also) the better class of mechanics, clerks, and even
professional men, who had held out as long as they could, as well as idle
vagabonds of all sorts who calculated on
a franc a day for doing nothing. and finally hosts of workmen from the country
who obtained admission by means of forged certificates of residence.
The wages
they received at first was two francs a day, if employed, and one franc if not,
(which allowance it was after found necessary to decrease.) Unfortunately work
could only be found for but a small portion of the men enrolled, and even then
some of the labor to which they were sent was of the most useless nature; and
thus before many weeks had elapsed a mass of dangerous idlers had accumulated
in Paris, and increased daily, the whole number
enrolled on May 16 being 87,942, which total increased to over 100,000
by the end of the month, of which, owing to the difficulty of devising work,
not 15,000 were employed, the rest receiving their allowance of one franc a day
instead.
The ateliers
nationaux degenerated therefore into a mere system of relieving pauperism
in disguise, but it would have been imprudent to have told the recipients so,
as they had been schooled to believe that what they received belonged to them
as a right.
Louis Blanc and the Luxembourg
Commission
On the
formation of the Commission of Inquiry into the Condition of the Working
Classes,… the position of President was given to Louis Blanc and the sittings
appointed to be held at the Luxembourg , the other members (of the government)
thus hoping to relieve themselves of the socialistic element in their (own) deliberations.
With him was associated Albert the “ouvrier” and other acknowledged socialistic
leaders.
In this
commission all matters of dispute between workers and employers were arranged, and in its
discussions its president had an opportunity of dilating upon his favorite
industrial scheme. On one occasion he committed himself to the essential principle
of fraternal communism as expounded by Cabet, namely, that the ideal of society
is that in which each man producing according to his aptitude and powers, shall
receive according to his wants; and he declared that the vicious civilization
of the time, which concealed aptitudes and begot factitious wants, was tending
toward that state, and that equality of salaries would be a step in the right
direction. On another occasion he told the working-classes, when they were in
great distress, that “The means of subsistence during periods of difficulty
were wages equal to those enjoyed during prosperity, with a participation of
profits” and in the future, “the free exercise of their faculties, the entire
gratification of their wants and even their desires-- en fin, the
maximum of happiness. “
In the
terrible commercial crisis that the revolution had occasioned, and the
consequent suspension of all kinds of industry, Blanc and his colleagues at the
Luxembourg were beset by the heads of bankrupt establishments, anxious for the
state to buy them up and turn them into communist ateliers, or whatever they
chose; in short the Palace of the Luxembourg became the depot for all sorts of
complaints and the theatre for propounding all manner of visionary schemes.
Theory and Practice
It is a
mistake to credit Louis Blanc with the establishment of ateliers nationaux
. In fact he condemned as “an insensate project” those workshops in which all
trades were huddled together and set to perform work for which nine tenths of
them were utterly disqualified. What he desired were ateliers sociaux—large
factories in which persons of the same trade should be employed together and
divide equally among themselves the entire profits of their industry.
The position
in which he was now placed enabled him to illustrate his theory by actual
example. He therefore, along with his associates, started two industrial
associations founded on the principle of equality, the one composed of
saddlers, the other of tailors. The result of the experiment among the latter
affords such a curious commentary on the
workings of the principle of equality as interpreted by Louis Blanc that we …
present it (here).
The tailors
had placed at their disposal the Hotel Clichy, which was converted for the
purpose from a debtors’ jail to a great national tailors’ shop, and given (to
them) free of rent; in addition the government advanced the necessary capital,
without interest, and ordered them to begin with 25,000 suits for the National
Guard. The experiment was thus inaugurated under peculiarly favorable
circumstances.
As a
preliminary step it was ascertained that the price for which the large tailors
of Paris, who employed the bulk of the workmen and undertook government
contracts, would require for same would be eleven francs each suit, which sum
would include the profit of the master tailor after paying all his expenses.
The government accordingly agreed to pay the same price to the new
establishment, and 1,500 men were speedily collected and set to work.
There being,
however, no capital wherewith to pay the workmen while the order was being
executed, the government advanced daily, in anticipation of the ultimate
payment, a sum equal to two francs per
head as “subsistence money,” the balance to be paid and equally divided amongst
them on the completion of the order.
The workmen
were so delighted with the arrangement that, notwithstanding the law limiting
the hours of labor to ten, the “glory, love, and fraternity” principle was so
strong that they voluntarily worked twelve or thirteen hours a day, and the
same on Sundays.
But the
result of the experiment was fatal. The first order was completed each man
looked for his share of the gain. The riches of communism and the participation
in the profits dazzled the views of the 1,500 tailors who had been content to
receive the two francs a day for many weeks; and no doubt everyone in his own
mind had appropriated his share of the “balance” and had felt in his own person
the combined pleasure of “master and man”,
Eleven
francs per dress for so many dresses came to so much. The subsistence money had
to be deducted. The balance was to be divided as profit. Alas! It was a balance
of loss and not of gain. Subsistence money had been paid equal to rather more,
when it came to be calculated, than sixteen francs per dress; in place of
eleven, at which the master tailor would have made a profit, paid his rent, the
interest on his capital, and good wages to his men in place of a daily pittance
for bare subsistence. The result was one of consternation and disappointment.
Louis Blanc was not a match for the master tailors of Paris.”
(The
“Constitutional Monarchy” of Louis-Philippe of Orleans in which franchise was
limited to landholders who represented only one percent of the population, was
overthrown in February of 1848 by individuals who represented all the rest of
the French population. The leader was Lamartine, who however, gave some powers
to the socialists, as described above. The first election under this regime was
held in April of 1848, the socialists did very poorly, and the atelier
nationaux, which had achieved no success and was bankrupting the government, was doomed. The
socialists attempted a revolution on May 12, and again when that scheme was
altered in June (The alteration included drafting the young unmarried men in the ateliers into
the army.) The socialists also rebelled when Louis Napoleon was elected
President of the Second Republic, and again when he usurped power and made
himself Emperor. Each time the
rebellions were quickly defeated, though
in June with considerable damage to Paris. The Emperor made espousing socialism
illegal for the twenty years his reign lasted.)
It seems
that in nature, subhuman creatures often act together as communities for
subsistence or defense. Ants and bees do so, and so even do bacteria which form
colonies and when threatened by the incursion of rival colonies the colonies
somehow arrange to lob antibiotics at those rivals. But such creatures tend to
do so without central direction, since usually they have no means of direct
communication with a center, acting as a sort of distributed communication
network and distributed action network as well.
Human beings
on the other hand find it almost impossible to understand the functioning of
distributed networks, and find it much easier to imagine that centrally
organized systems, though foreign to nature, can be made to be optimally
efficient. Louis Blanc was neither the first nor the last to believe that
the concept of organization of industry
that flowered in his brain would be superior to that which had evolved over
time without him. The same human beings who are incapable of understanding how
lowly bacterial colonies are able to produce and deploy antibiotics hope and
expect to provide, out of their own brains,
rules for centrally controlling human populations (whose members are
vastly more complicated than bacteria are) numbering in the hundreds of
millions, more efficiently than those populations would function if left alone without
them to their distributed networks. The
ludicrous failure of Blanc’s tailoring adventure provides a perfect model of the
typical fate of such schemes and the same result is repeated with monotonous
regularity every time such things are attempted.